Criminology in Europe - Criminology in Greece: a Discipline Taught More Than Practised

*References with asterisk* are in Greek language; original titles translated into English by the author.

**Owing to space constraints, this article cannot reflect the full range of individuals and contributions to Greek Criminology. I respectfully acknowledge and apologize to those not included

 

Karanikas, K. (1965), Penology (part of its contents), Thessaloniki

 

It was not until 1985–86 that a Criminology section was established on the initiative of Alice Marangopoulou, Professor of Criminology and Criminalistics, within the newly created Sociology Department at Panteion University (formerly the Panteion School of Political Sciences). This section, unique in Greece, continues to operate within the Sociology Department. Until then, both Sociology and Criminology had been taught only as one-year introductory courses in most Law schools. As a result, students’ education in sociological – and especially criminological – theory and research methods were limited. A year earlier, in 1984, the first postgraduate program in Criminology was established at Panteion School (named the Postgraduate Seminar in Criminological Studies). In 2003, it evolved into the current postgraduate program in Criminology. The founders were Alice Marangopoulou, Ilias Daskalakis, and James Farsedakis.

 

Alice Giotopoulou-Marangopoulou, the initiator of the Criminology Section in the Department of Sociology at Panteion University (Source: To Vima)

 

In the late 1980s, Criminology teaching began to expand – a trend that continued more intensively in the following decades. Professors James Farsedakis, Calliope Spinellis, Nestor Courakis, Stergios Alexiadis, and Yannis Panoussis made significant contributions to this expansion and development. Undergraduate courses in Criminology, criminal justice, or crime policy are now generally offered not only by the Sociology Department of Panteion University but also to students in all three Law schools (Athens, Thessaloniki, and Komotini). Additionally, such courses are available to students in the Sociology Departments at the University of the Aegean in Mytilini/Lesvos and the University of Crete in Rethymnon, as well as the Departments of Social Policy and Social Work (previously Department of Social Administration and Political Science) at the Democritus University of Thrace in Komotini, the Psychology Department of the University of Crete, and the Department of Social and Education Policy at the University of Peloponnese in Corinth.

The establishment of a Law School in Thrace in 1974 significantly contributed to the dissemination of criminological studies. The Sociology departments at the Universities of the Aegean and Crete, and the Department of Social Administration and Political Science in Thrace were founded between 1974 and 1985, while the University of Peloponnese was founded in 2000 and began operating in 2002. Across all universities, Criminology courses are offered as optional rather than compulsory – except at the Sociology Department of Panteion University, where some are mandatory, and the Department of Social Policy in Thrace. In general, student participation in such courses is high, depending on the annual admissions quota of each faculty.

Criminology courses cover a wide range of topics – particularly at Panteion University, which now provides 21 courses (as of 2025). Broadly speaking, the content offered by Greek universities can be grouped into three main categories:

1. Crime and Deviance –including perspectives on crime and criminal behavior, types of offending such as economic and organized crime, juvenile delinquency, corruption, domestic violence and current state of research, as well as historical perspectives.
2. Social Control, Criminal Justice and Crime Policy – covering topics such as crime prevention, policing, law enforcement, sociology of criminal law, human rights, prison law, juvenile criminal law and juvenile justice, alternatives to punishment, and restorative justice.
3. Specialized Topics – including victimology, criminological and forensic psychology and psychiatry, criminal careers, violent crimes, policy issues related to international and European organizations, and criminalistics.

Courses in research methodologies are offered only in Sociology and Psychology departments at graduate and postgraduate levels and in the departments of Social Policy and Social Work at the graduate level. In these departments, both quantitative and qualitative research methodology courses are mostly compulsory for graduate students. Research methodology courses are available exclusively at the postgraduate level in only one of the three Law schools that offer Criminology. Postgraduate studies with a specialization in Criminology exist, apart from Panteion University, in all three Law schools that teach Criminology and last four semesters.  Internships for students are only available at Panteion University and the Department of Social Policy of the University of Thrace.

Criminology, taught from a sociological perspective, has been part of the Police Academy curricula since 1984. A few modules on criminological and criminal justice issues are delivered at the School of National Security by Criminology professors. The School provides postgraduate education and training focusing on national security strategy and policy for senior officers of the Hellenic Police, the Armed Forces, the Coast Guard, the Fire Brigade, as well as high ranking civil servants from the public sector. Interestingly, however, the National School of the Judiciary does not offer any courses in Criminology or Sociology during its 16-month program, nor in its lifelong learning courses.

 

3. Criminological Research: Developments and Limitations

A lack of funding combined with conservative attitudes among State officials and entrenched professional interests resistant to the social sciences in general – and to Criminology in particular – constituted significant barriers to the development of the discipline. Furthermore, the relatively low crime rates in Greece in the 1970s and 1980s contributed to the perception of Criminology as superfluous, positioning it largely as an adjunct to Criminal Law.

Systematic criminological research was conducted for about a decade at the National Center for Social Research (EKKE) under the supervision of Elias Daskalakis, professor of Criminology at the Panteion School of Social and Political Sciences. During this period, a dedicated Criminology research team carried out two major studies: one on criminal justice (focusing on judges and courts), and another on the prison system and prison subculture in Greece.

Following Daskalakis’ death in 1986 and the restructuring of the national research framework under Law 1514/1985, the Criminology team was dissolved. Its members were redeployed across the Center’s newly established four institutes. They continued research in adjacent fields – such as social exclusion, youth-related issues (e.g., drug and alcohol abuse), gender-based concerns (including sexual harassment in the workplace), and topics related to refugees, asylum seekers, and responses to forced displacement – with funding from national, European, or international bodies. Occasionally, they returned to explicitly criminological subjects, conducting studies on racism, the reintegration of formerly incarcerated women, societal beliefs and stereotypes surrounding domestic violence against women, and female criminality.

In the late 1990s, a general increase in recorded crime – especially in more serious offenses – led to a growing demand for criminologists within State institutions (Lambropoulou, 2001: 34–49). Gradually, criminologists began participating in various governmental committees and working groups tasked with drafting new legislation, alongside criminal law scholars, judges, and lawyers who had traditionally dominated the field. Their informed contributions on issues such as prison policy and juvenile delinquency (Spinellis, 1997: 78), typically within the context of legislative preparation, as well as their responsiveness to policy-makers’ information requests, helped promote their professional legitimacy (Panoussis, 2000).

Criminological research has intensified over the past two decades, primarily through empirical studies conducted by individuals or small groups, often with little or no funding. The increase is partly driven by the growing need for Greek criminologists to engage in international scientific discourse. In the absence of large-scale research programs, doctoral dissertations have emerged as a means of partially filling the gap. The PhD theses span a wide array of topics and are typically based on independent research projects – examples include studies on criminal careers, sexual abuse, juvenile justice, correctional institutions, illegal gambling, economic and environmental crime, cybercrime, money laundering, corruption, and state-corporate crime[1]. Nevertheless, the overall research landscape stays fragmented.

As already referred to, the fragmentation stems primarily from the State’s limited recognition of the importance of criminological studies, resulting in inadequate research funding. In addition, collaboration between State agencies and universities – and even among universities themselves within the social sciences – is minimal. A further obstacle lies in the absence of permanent or periodically renewed research staff, administrative support, and infrastructure in the small research centers that do exist. All universities offering Criminology courses maintain such centers or laboratories, yet they consistently struggle to secure research funding. Despite the difficulties, they have occasionally succeeded in carrying out interesting studies[2].

These systemic limitations present significant barriers to conducting extensive and methodologically robust research, hindering the development of long-term research strategies. Although European-funded programs have been implemented over the past 20 years, they have contributed little to the study of key criminological issues, as their objectives often diverge from academic or national policy-driven research needs. Even when criminological research findings are available, they are rarely incorporated into policymaking processes related to crime prevention and criminal justice reform[3].

The lack of State support for Criminology is compounded by the private sector’s general indifference toward research in the social sciences, a tendency further reinforced by the reluctance of universities of social sciences in Greece to involve the private sector in their work –  an involvement that is, in any case, far from straightforward. The decade-long debt crisis significantly worsened the already limited funding available for research. As a result, while Criminology education in Greece has flourished for over thirty years, the state of organized and systematic research remains discouraging.

Over the past three decades, Greek criminologists’ research and publications have focused primarily on the following thematic areas:

1. Theoretical and policy issues – including criminological theory and historical perspectives; urban criminology; victimology, victimization, and victim support; sentencing and human rights; punishment and corrections.
2. Criminal justice, police, and policing.
3. Restorative justice and alternative models of justice.
4. Special forms of crime and delinquency – such as drug and substance abuse, youth violence and subcultures, juvenile justice, gender and violence, human trafficking, illegal markets, and corruption.
5. Migration and human rights, punitiveness, and fear of crime.

Criminological research, broadly speaking, is also conducted by the Center of Security Studies (KEMEA), established in 2005 and staffed primarily by police officers. KEMEA functions as a consulting and research organization, serving as the think tank for the Ministry of Citizen Protection, focusing on applied research –  particularly at the strategic level – on security topics and policies such as terrorism prevention, integrated border management, and civil protection. It also provides advisory and risk-management consulting services to a range of public and private organizations. KEMEA carries out national research programs and participates in European initiatives; however, it rarely collaborates or exchanges knowledge with universities, and its members typically produce group publications on relevant research issues[4].

Moreover, over the past two decades, some studies of criminological interest have been conducted by the Research Centre for Gender Equality (KETHI), founded in 1994, with approximately half of these projects outsourced to other organizations (e.g. National Center for Social Research). KETHI focuses on research and studies in the field of gender equality and implements specific policies, practices, and actions aimed at promoting gender equality.

Initially, Greek criminologists adopted legalistic and medical perspectives, drawing on broader European traditions. Legal approaches – particularly the description and analysis of legislative reforms (Panoussis et al., 1994; Spinellis & Courakis, 2001) and international conventions (Dimopoulos, 2005) and treaties – continue to be prevalent in Greek criminological literature (Galanou, 2011; Pitsela, 2022;  Tsigris, 2024). These are well-elaborated and carefully developed studies, now frequently combined with or accompanied by critical approaches (Dimopoulos & Kosmatos, 2017). Primary empirical research included in the publications – whether quantitative or qualitative – continues to be relatively limited (Lambropoulou, 2012; Kranidioti & Chionis, 2020; Tsigkanou, 2021; Zarafonitou, Mimis & Kalamaras, 2022; Koulouris, 2022; Artinopoulou et al., 2023; Lambropoulou & Milienos, 2023). In particular, over the last two decades, sociological analyses of Greek Criminology have largely stagnated or been confined to narrow critical frameworks. There are, of course, notable examples of thorough and detailed scholarship that, while not based on primary empirical research on contemporary Greek society, provide important theoretical and historical insights into various criminological topics. They include, among others, studies on the theory and history of the deprivation of liberty, alternatives to imprisonment, and the prison system (Archimandritou, 2000; Dimopoulos, 2021), as well as the development of criminological theories (Vlachou, 2008, 2017; Archimandritou, 2024) and economic crime (Lazos, 2005; Vasilantopoulou, 2014).

There are also several diaspora criminologists. A number of Greek students, after completing undergraduate studies in Sociology or, more commonly, Law, pursue postgraduate and doctoral studies in Criminology abroad, particularly in other European countries. Some of them go on to establish successful academic careers in their host countries, most notably in the United Kingdom. Diaspora voices enrich the global view, yet distance can blur the lens. Greek criminologists have also built successful careers in international and European organizations.

Institutionally, there are no national awards recognizing distinguished contributions to criminological research or teaching. The sole exception is an award for outstanding master’s dissertations in Criminology, conferred by the Hellenic Society of Criminology (HSC) to students of Panteion University.

 

4. Intra- and Interdisciplinary Exchange

There are two main criminological societies in Greece: The Hellenic Society of Criminology (HSC), established in 1978, and the Greek Society for the Study of Crime and Social Control (EEMEKE), founded in 2015. Both societies organize workshops, meetings, and other events, although conferences are rarer. These events, while informative, tend to be less dynamic in fostering regular exchange of ideas and dialogue. The HSC is open to a broad range of perspectives, while the EEMEKE is a more closed group of critical criminologists.

The challenges facing Criminology in Greece are also reflected in the difficulties related to the regular publication of academic journals, although the situation has improved in the past two decades, largely due to the accessibility provided by online platforms. The HSC publishes Englimatologia, one issue per year print and online and has been publishing a newsletter twice a year since 2018. The EEMEKE publishes Antigone, available in both print and online, with two issues per year since 2021. Additionally, the Laboratory of Penal and Criminological Research at the Law School of the University of Athens, established in 1973 by Professor of Criminology Ioannis Daskalopoulos, publishes an online journal titled The Art of Crime, which also releases one issue per year. The journal focuses on criminological and criminal justice topics as well as Criminal Law.

Since 2015, the Center for the Study of Crime (KEME) has also operated as a civic non-profit association. According to its declaration, the KEME aims to advance public understanding of crime and criminal justice, promote evidence-based policy, and support better regulation. The KEME frequently organizes seminars, webinars, and short courses, often for a fee. Since December 2016, KEME has published CrimeTimes, with three online issues per year.

The HSC is the older of the two societies, with around 150 members, down from 300 in 2005. The EEMEKE has approximately 50-60 members, while the CESC has 468 members.

 

5. Institutional, Professional and Social Challenges

The broader challenges faced by the social sciences in general – and Criminology in particular – are reflected in the limited recruitment of criminologists within public sector services. These services include post-release support programs, probation services, and juvenile probation and court departments. Nonetheless, this trend cannot be attributed solely to governmental inaction; it is also partly due to a lack of interest among criminologists themselves. For instance, although the number of designated criminologist positions in correctional institutions has gradually increased – from just two posts across 27 prisons in 1999 to seven posts across 34 prisons by 2019 – such positions have consistently remained unfilled. In contrast, positions for sociologists (10 positions) and psychologists (26 positions) attract strong interest, and vacancies in these fields are rarely left unoccupied. Yet, a significant number of criminologists prefer to teach at private colleges, where opportunities are more readily available, rather than engaging with the more complex and demanding realities of public sector work.

Some professionals with criminological expertise and sociological, psychological or legal background are employed in services and institutions working with vulnerable populations, social exclusion, and deviance (e.g. Organization Against Drugs, National Commission for Human Rights), and NGOs.

On a more positive note, the limited recruitment of criminologists in the public sector has not affected academic positions in Greek universities, even though these positions have hardly been renewed over the past two decades. As a result, the generation of criminologists who entered academia in the 1990s – arguably the most numerous and dynamic cohort in the history of Greek riminology is now retiring. This generation brought renewed energy and innovation to the field. In contrast, the current generation of academic criminologists is notably smaller, particularly within Panteion University and its Criminology Section, where staffing levels have declined significantly compared to the past.

It is also noteworthy that Criminology has been included in the curricula of both public and private vocational training institutes (IEKs) for over twenty years, demonstrating its established presence in vocational education. New specializations have emerged in response to evolving needs, such as security officers for persons and infrastructure, as well as security officers for museums.

Despite the presented developments, criminologists in Greece continue to struggle with addressing the challenges of the discipline in a systematic and organized manner. Their contributions are often individual efforts and remain relatively narrow in scope. Furthermore, public perception – and, in some cases, that of certain academics – still predominantly associates Criminology with the ‘criminal individual’, focusing specifically on personality. Mass media play a significant role in perpetuating such a limited perspective. Meanwhile, Criminology is also sometimes reduced to the measurement of crime statistics. However, in recent years, there has been a shift, with growing demand for criminologists' expertise from both media and State organizations. Nonetheless, the interest remains intermittent.

The issues outlined above underscore the weak interdisciplinary collaboration within the broader social sciences in Greece. While the situation is gradually improving, it constitutes an ongoing challenge. Additionally, the lack of effective scientific communication and coordination among experts continues to impede progress in the field.

 

6. Conclusions

Serious difficulties remain to conducting extensive research that could advance theoretical and policy discussion in Greek Criminology. European-funded programs have not significantly contributed to a deeper understanding of the key issues that still demand attention, as these programs were designed with other objectives in mind. In the past, politicians largely neglected to consider research findings when planning or implementing crime policy. More recently, however, they have begun to selectively request and promote empirical studies that align with their own priorities.

Criminologists, for their part, have so far largely failed to join forces to overcome the challenges. Their efforts remain fragmented, consisting mainly of increased participation in governmental and ministerial committees, consultative groups, and other organizations. The establishment of regional university structures has generally not been accompanied by strategic planning that would enable better use of both material and human resources. There is undoubtedly a need for criminologists to engage more proactively with policy, anticipating the needs of both the country and their field, rather than merely responding to political demands.

The prevailing view of science as a ‘marketplace’ has persisted over time, allowing politicians to procure the research they desire, while specialists are often seen as interchangeable and relatively inexpensive. Moreover, social scientists in Greece occupy a marginal role in society, and their energies are often dissipated in small-scale studies. As a result, they struggle to make a meaningful impact and are frequently unheard. On issues such as crime and deviance – topics on which many individuals feel they have an opinion – criminologists are not always able to offer the distinctive contributions necessary to make a significant difference, sometimes resorting instead to a critical stance without offering concrete solutions and realistic pathways for reform.

The paradox that Greek Criminology, which once held a position comparable to that of central European countries until the 1940s, has since lagged behind – despite the increase in university departments, research centers, and formal structures since the 1980s – can, at least in part, be understood through the lens of Parkinson’s effect. According to this principle, bureaucratic systems often grow, regardless of actual functional need, expanding in size while becoming inward-looking and self-referential. This may help explain why the institutional proliferation within Greek Criminology has not translated into corresponding innovation or societal impact. Instead, resources and efforts have often been absorbed by administrative routines, internal procedures, and disjointed activities rather than coordinated research agendas or strategic engagement with public policy. In this light, growth in numbers has masked stagnation in purpose – a phenomenon not uncommon in academic and public-sector environments where structural expansion substitutes for substantive advancement.

Although discourse is rare and funding for research is meagre, perseverance has occasionally achieved results. Criminology has succeeded in shifting public perception, gradually being regarded less as a discipline concerned with the criminal mind or personality, and more as a field focused on crime as a broader social phenomenon. Sociological models are now viewed with greater understanding and acceptance.

In conclusion, continuous and systematic efforts are essential for Greek criminologists to engage effectively with pertinent issues while maintaining scientific rigor. There is an urgent need for more academic dialogue, intradisciplinary discourse, and goal setting within the field to enhance both its impact and development, particularly in relation to research. Beyond the academic advancements already discussed, there is an even greater need for the practical involvement of criminologists in real-world issues. Without this, Criminology risks languishing in academia, disconnected from the realities of society, and reduced to a simplistic portrayal in the mass media.

While the challenges faced by Greek criminologists are significant, they are not insurmountable. Through sustained effort, ongoing dialogue, and a shared vision, Criminology in Greece has the potential to achieve a higher level of development as both an academic discipline and practical field. Collective efforts could pave the way for Criminology to develop into a more socially engaged and institutionally present field – one that contributes through research and consultation, as well as through active involvement in the institutions where its insights are most needed. It is hoped that the ESC conference will assist Greek criminologists in maintaining and strengthening their ties with the European Society of Criminology, ensuring that these connections persist despite the obstacles ahead.

 

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